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1 J. Mgmt. & Sustainability 2 (2011)

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        Downsizing the Labor Force by Low and High Profit Firms


                               - An Experimental Analysis



                                    Werner Giith (Corresponding author)
                                      Max Planck Institute of Economics
                                 10 Kahlaische Street, D-07745 Jena, Germany
                                         E-mail: gueth ttecon.mpg.de


                                               Christian Paul
                               Institute of Economic Theory and Statistics (ETS)
                               Karlsruhe Institute of Technology (KIT), Germany
                                       E-mail: paul-christian ttglx.de


Received: April 5, 2011   Accepted: May 20, 2011     doi:10.5539/jms.vlnlp2


The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from the German Research Foundation (DFG), research
program: Flexibility in Heterogenous Labor Markets. Furthermore, we have benefitedfrom helpful comments by
Marion Ott, Karl-Martin Ehrhart, and Ralf Loschel.


Abstract
We theoretically and experimentally employ a principal-agent setting to capture the effects of downsizing the
labor force. One of the two main treatments features a large increase of the principal's profit and another one a
rather low increase. Our main experimental findings are that downsizing often is avoided and that its frequency
does not depend on its profitability. There is evidence that agents spend more effort when downsizing is more
profitable what might explain that downsizing frequencies hardly depend on the profitability.
Keywords: Downsizing, Experimental economics, Principal-agent model, Labor economics
1. Introduction
Downsizing is often understood as laying off a large group of workers and has become a synonym for, allegedly
unfair, firing decisions in popular (science) literature. More broadly, downsizing could refer to all situations
where a subgroup of interacting parties within an organization would have better success or survival prospects
than the whole group. Dramatic examples of lifeboats with too little water or food for all can be found in novels
and are hopefully more often fictional than factual. One reaction to such challenges could be volunteers offering
to be excluded. But such hero volunteers are probably a rare species. What one realistically has to expect are
attempts of some parties to exclude others against their will. This does not only invoke material aspects but also
raises moral and emotional concerns not only of those who suffer, e.g., by being excluded, but also of those who
exclude others.
There is no hope to capture such dramatic circumstances in the lab without violating ethical constraints. But
downsizing is not restricted to such dramatic events. People may exclude others from social activities because
interaction in smaller group is more fun or more efficient. When going by car to attend an event it may be, for
instance, more enjoyable to go with just one or two other friends than to have one's car packed to the limit. This
illustrates that downsizing may invoke minor or major effects for those who are dismissed as well as for those
who stay on. Although, of course, the exact size of these effects will matter, the qualitative effects are interesting
as well. This, in our view, justifies an experimental approach to explore downsizing; not to substitute field
research but to complement it.
One can hope to capture crucial aspects of firms' downsizing decisions by employing rather abstract scenarios
like ultimatum games, e.g., with one proposer and several responders of whom some can be excluded (Fischer,


ISSN 1925-4725 E-ISSN 1925-4733


www.ccsenet.org/_ms


Journal of Management and Sustainability


Vol. 1, No. 1; September 20 11

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