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8 Eur. J.L. & Econ. 5 (1999)

handle is hein.journals/eurjlwec8 and id is 1 raw text is: European Journal of Law and Economics, 8:5-27 (1999)
W    © 1999 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Manufactured in The Netherlands.
Public Choice at the Intersection of Environmental
Law and Economics
BRUCE YANDLE
Alumni Distinguished Professor of Economics, Clemson University, Clemson, SC 29634
Abstract
Management of environmental assets begins with a commons and ends with various legal institutions
that assign property rights and control. Each step in the evolution of these legal institutions involves
collective decision making. Public Choice analysis helps to explain the decision making process and
institutional characteristics that emerge. A survey of Public Choice literature that addresses environ-
mental issues illustrates how Public Choice sheds light on outcomes for the U.S. experience. In the
absence of Public Choice theory, law and economics scholars would be hard pressed to explain why
costly forms of environmental regulation seem preferred to apparently more efficient institutions and
why the body politic seemingly accepts a high-cost, low-output outcome.
Keywords: Public Choice, environmental regulation, property rights, political economy, law and
economics
JEL Classification:
1. Introduction
On the frontispiece of Rachel Carson's 1962 epoch-making book, Silent Spring, we
find the following quotation from Albert Schweitzer: Man has lost the capacity to
forestall and foresee. He will end by destroying the earth. Exactly one hundred
years earlier, John Stuart Mill (1900, 7) saw things differently. In an early comment
on air pollution, Mill surmised that if from any revolution in nature the atmo-
sphere became to scanty for the consumption... air might acquire a very high
marketable value. Schwietzer saw catastrophe in the offing. Mill predicted that
market solutions would address environmental scarcity.
What are we to make of these apparently contradictory forecasts? Schweitzer's
gloomy vision of a vast tragedy of the commons does not seem to recognize man's
institution-building abilities. As a physician philosopher musician, he apparently
did not understand how property rights and markets enable man to foresee and
forestall. Mill seemed to understand these things. Alternately, and what might be a
more reasonable assessment, Schweitzer understood these things full well, but
based his forecast on what he had observed in a remote region of Africa where he
spent his life as a barefoot doctor. In contrast, Mill's market expectations were

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