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                                                                                                  September 14, 2020

Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies


Russia has an extensive internal security system, with
multiple, overlapping, and competitive security agencies
vying for bureaucratic, political, and economic influence.
Since Vladimir Putin assumed Russia's leadership, these
agencies have grown in both size and power, and they have
become integral to the security and stability of the
government. If Putin extends his rule beyond 2024, as is
now legally permissible, these agencies could play a role in
the leadership succession process and affect the ability of a
transitional regime to quell domestic dissent. For Members
of Congress, understanding the numerous internal security
agencies in Russia could be helpful in assessing the
prospects of regime stability and dynamics of a transition
after Putin leaves office. In addition, Russian security
agencies and their personnel have been targeted by U.S.
sanctions for cyberattacks and human rights abuses.
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After the Soviet Union's dissolution in 1991, Russia
inherited the vast internal security apparatus overseen by
the Committee for State Security (KGB). Although the
KGB initially was broken up into several smaller
organizations that were weakened by corruption, Putin's
rise to the presidency in 2000 increased the security
services' power and importance for regime security. As a
former KGB member and head of Russia's Federal Security
Service (FSB) from 1998 to 1999, Putin valued the security
services; he installed close associates, many with
backgrounds in security agencies, to head the various
agencies. The relative power and influence of these
agencies are often shaped by their leaders' close, personal
connections to Putin.

In Russia, internal security agencies are responsible for
both the maintenance of law and order and the regime's
security. They have overlapping roles, leading to
competition among agencies to increase political influence,
budgets, and control over lucrative issue areas for illicit
gain. As a result, some observers contend, various internal
security agencies use fabricated or selective prosecutions of
regime opponents to demonstrate their utility to the political
leadership.

Competition is also a feature of Russia's internal security
architecture. Analysts have noted the cannibalistic nature of
the security agencies, with some conflicts leading to the
ousting of agency leaders, the creation of new agencies, or
even the total dissolution of agencies (such as the Tax
Police in 2003 or the Federal Drug Control Service in
2016). In practice, competition prevents any one
organization or leader from becoming too powerful,
independent, or threatening to the political leadership.
Often competition is factional, defined by personal
relationships, and can cross organizational lines in pursuit
of opportunities for enrichment and political advancement.


Competition frequently leads to arrests and prosecutions,
often for real or imagined corruption allegations to undercut
targeted organizations and senior leadership both
institutionally and politically.

     Russian Law Enforcement and Internal
           Security Agencies and Heads
                  (as of September 2020)
  Ministry of Interior (MVD): Vladimir Kolokoltsev
  National Guard (Rosgvardiya, FSVNG): Viktor Zolotov
        * Special purpose Mobile Units (OMON)
      Special Rapid Response Detachment (SOBR)
        * Interior Troops (VV)
      Kadyrovtsy
  Federal Security Service (FSB): Alexander Bortnikov
  Federal Protective Service (FSO): Dmitri Kochnev
      *   Presidential Security Service (SBP)
  Investigative Committee (SK): Alexander Bastrykin
  prosecutor General's Office: Igor Krasnov


The Interior Ministry (MVD) oversees Russia's local police
and criminal investigative forces. In 2011, Russia initiated a
wide-ranging reform effort to professionalize its historically
low-paid and corrupt police by raising salaries and training
standards. Although media reporting and analysts still
consider corruption to exist within the police, the MVD is
largely a professional force with responsibilities ranging
from criminal investigation to traffic control. It also has
broad investigative powers into lucrative areas for
corruption, such as economic and organized crime.

Under the MVD's current leader, career police officer
Vladimir Kolokoltsev, analysts have noted a hesitance to
conduct blatantly political prosecutions and public order
operations. This reflects, in part, the fact that most MVD
officers spend much of their careers in the same
communities, as well as the progress made in
professionalizing the police. The MVD's hesitation to
engage in political activities and Kolokoltsev's professional
rather than personal relationship with Putin may have
contributed to the loss of some political influence and
increased the MVD's susceptibility to power grabs by rival
agencies.


Russia's National Guard (Rosgvardiya) was created in 2016
under the command of Putin's former bodyguard, Viktor
Zolotov. The National Guard brings together 200,000-
250,000 of Russia's various public order and internal
security forces deemed essential for regime security; these


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