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January 9, 2018


Spotlight on Public Corruption in Latin America


Many perceive Latin America to be in the midst of a
growing corruption crisis. Transparency International's
Corruption Perception Index (CPI) for 2016 found that
respondents in most Latin American countries believed
corruption was increasing. This perception is fueling civil
society efforts to combat corrupt behavior and demand
government accountability. Corruption is also likely to be a
central theme in elections across the region in 2018. Many
Latin American politicians are running on anti-corruption
platforms, often abandoning traditional parties sullied by
corruption allegations and embracing antiestablishment
platforms.

Numerous elected officials have been removed from office
in the past decade due to corruption scandals. In 2015,
Guatemalan President Otto Perez-Molina and his vice
president were arrested and imprisoned for conducting
multiple corruption scams. In Brazil, a sprawling corruption
investigation under way since 2014 has implicated much of
the political class, leading to the imprisonment of the
president of the Chamber of Deputies and contributing to
the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff in 2016.

Perceptions of growing corruption may reflect a greater
awareness of corrupt behavior rather than an increase in
actual corruption. This heightened awareness may be due to
the growing use of social media to report violations and
inform the citizenry, as well as to greater scrutiny by
domestic media and investigative reporters, international
investors, and, in some cases, congressional bodies.
Moreover, the region's growing middle class, with its rising
expectations, seeks more from its politicians. Corruption in
the judicial system can undermine the rule of law and
heighten impunity, leading to more crime because of lax or
absent enforcement.


Transparency International's 2016 survey, in the 20 Latin
American countries polled, found that the corruption taint is
particularly acute for politicians, political parties, police,
and other public servants; respondents deemed those groups
all or most corrupt (see Figure 1). Citizens reported
being most concerned about the use of public office for
private gain (graft, influence peddling, extortion, bribe
solicitation, money laundering, obstruction of justice,
nepotism, or violation of political finance regulations).

Corruption scandals affecting top-level politicians have
touched every region of Latin America. Corruption charges
tainted the second administration of Chilean President
Michele Bachelet, whose son allegedly used his position to
secure a $9.2 million bank loan. Former President of El
Salvador Mauricio Funes (2009-2014) was found guilty of
illicit enrichment in a Salvadoran court.


Figure I. Latin American Respondents' Perceptions
of Corrupt Groups and Institutions













Public-sector corruption is often a prominent part of a
larger corruption problem that handicaps Latin American
growth through lost productivity and skewed incentives. It
can erode public services, and many analysts increasingly
see it as a cause of deepening inequality. In the 2016 CPI,
nearly a third of all Latin American respondents said they
had paid a bribe for a public service such as health care or
education in the past 12 months.


The range of corrupt practices is broad, and the types
mentioned here have received recent attention. Several
scandals reaching multiple countries in the region have
underscored a sense of urgency and perhaps increased the
viability of anti-corruption campaigns while also spawning
protest and, in some cases, instability.
In Mexico, for example, the costs of corruption have been
estimated to reach as much as 5% of gross domestic product
each year. Mexico's long-dominant Institutional
Revolutionary Party is now so linked with corruption that it
is likely to be hobbled in the mid-2018 national elections.
Some analysts maintain that state involvement in corruption
has undermined Mexico's state and federal governments,
where eight current and former state governors ae under
investigation for corruption and allegations of vast
enrichment schemes. Mexico never resolved the suspicion
of official involvement in the 2014 disappearance of 43
students in the state of Guerrero. Mexican authorities
arrested local government officials and local and national
police for collaborating with a drug gang in the killings, but
no explanation of the crime has been provided and an
international investigation was thwarted. (For more, see
CRS Report R42917, Mexico: Background and US
Relations.)

Brazilian construction firm Odebrecht, in a landmark plea
deal, admitted to paying $735 million in bribes to
politicians and office holders throughout the region to
secure public contracts over more than two decades. In
December 2017, Ecuador's vice president, Jorge Glas, was


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