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Possible Additional Sanctions on Iran


January 8, 2018


For nearly four decades, U.S. sanctions have constituted a
key component of U.S. policy toward Iran. U.S. secondary
sanctions on foreign firms that conduct transactions with
Iran have been a significant feature of those sanctions since
1996. The July 2015 multilateral nuclear agreement with
Iran (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, JCPOA) resulted
in a broad easing of multilateral sanctions and U.S.
secondary sanctions on Iran's core economic sectors.
Language in the JCPOA's preamble, as well as in
Paragraph 26 of the document, commits the United States
and other parties to the JCPOA to refrain from imposing
new nuclear-related sanctions similar to those that have
been lifted, or re-imposing sanctions lifted to implement the
JCPOA. Nuclear-related sanctions are widely interpreted
to mean sanctions on Iran's core economic sectors
(banking, energy, shipping, insurance, auto production, and
other manufacturing), because the U.N. Security Council, in
Resolution 1929 (June 2010), authorized member states to
impose sanctions on those sectors in order to compel Iran to
negotiate limitations on its nuclear program. To the extent
that the possible sanctions discussed below target Iran's
core economic sectors, other parties to the JCPOA could
view many of them as imposing new nuclear-related
sanctions on Iran.

Sanctions tied to other issues, such as human rights or
Iran's sponsorship of terrorist groups, have not targeted
Iran's core civilian economic sectors and remain in force
not only by the United States but by the European Union
(EU) and other powers as well, although the effect these
remaining sanctions have on Iranian behavior is widely
assessed as limited. The existing or suspended sanctions
discussed in this report are analyzed in substantially more
depth in CRS Report RS20871, Iran Sanctions, by Kenneth
Katzman.

Even before Iran accepted modest curbs on its nuclear
program in a 2013 interim nuclear accord (Joint Plan of
Action, JPOA), the sanctions options discussed below did
not receive broad international support and were not
implemented. U.S. partners and other stakeholders are
unlikely to impose many or all of the sanctions discussed
below unless Iran is seen to have abrogated the JCPOA.
The potential sanctions are materially different from - and
many are more extensive than - those sanctions imposed on
Iran from 2010-2016 and which were eased in the course of
implementing the JCPOA. The imposition of such new
sanctions would presumably have increased effect if they
are enshrined in a U.N. Security Council resolution that
would require member states to undertake such measures.
Absent Security Council action, the United States could
impose secondary sanctions aimed at compelling foreign
entities to take the specified actions against Iran. However,
U.S. attempts to compel action through secondary sanctions


would likely complicate U.S. relations with the parent
governments of foreign firms and entities.

Some of the U.N. Security Council resolutions that were in
effect before the JCPOA was implemented in January
2016 and were superseded by U.N. Security Council
Resolution 2231 -called on, but did not require, member
states to undertake voluntary measures, such as exercising
restraint on providing loans and other credits to Iran. Some
of the possible additional Iran sanctions discussed below
would make such measures binding.

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Sanctioning Iranian Profiteers and Human Rights
Abusers. Some experts believe that the international
community, or even the United States alone, should more
aggressively target Iranians who are exploiting any special
privileges, monopolies, or political contacts for economic
gain at the expense of average Iranians. In the context of the
deaths of 21 persons during December 2017-January 2018
protests in Iran, Trump Administration officials have
indicated they would back additional sanctions on Iranian
human rights abusers and on foreign firms that help the
Iranian government suppress social media and other
communication outlets. There are already extensive U.S.
and EU sanctions in place against Iranian human rights
abusers. The most recent enacted, the Countering
America's Adversaries through Sanctions Act, signed on
August 2, 2017 (P.L. 115-44) authorizes, but does not
require, U.S. sanctions on persons responsible for gross
violations of human rights in Iran. A provision of the Iran
Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act (Title XII, subtitle
D, of the FY2013 National Defense Authorization Act, P.L.
112-239) imposes U.S. sanctions on persons determined to
have engaged in corruption or diverted or misappropriated
humanitarian goods or funds. Other countries, however,
generally have not imposed any sanctions on Iran for
corruption or profiteering. In addition, provisions of the
Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act (title
XII, subtitle F of the FY2017 NDAA, P.L. 114-328) could
be applied to named Iranian human rights abusers and
corrupt government officials.

Sanctioning All Trade with Iran. Some organizations,
such as United against Nuclear Iran, as well as other
experts, advocate restrictions on most trade and investment
with Iran and continue to try to persuade firms not to do
business with Iran. U.S. partners and many other countries
have consistently opposed a global Iran trade ban or any
U.S. measures that would try to compel firms from allied
countries to end most general commerce with Iran.

Comprehensive Ban on Energy Transactions with Iran.
Though short of a comprehensive global trade ban, a U.N.-
mandated, worldwide embargo on the purchase of any
Iranian crude oil would undoubtedly put significant


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