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Fuel Economy Standards Versus a Gasoline Tax 1 (March 2004)

handle is hein.congrec/cbo8848 and id is 1 raw text is: A series ofissue summaries from
the Congressional Budget Office
MARCH 9, 2004
Fuel Economy Standards Versus a Gasoline Tax

Proponents of increasing corporate average fuel economy
(CAFE) standards for passenger vehicles see the policy as
a relatively low cost and proven way to decrease the
United States' dependence on oil and emissions of carbon
dioxide (the predominant greenhouse gas). Opponents
argue that CAFE standards are a costly and cumbersome
way to reduce gasoline consumption, that they interfere
with the market and unduly burden U.S. business, and
(because they may encourage more driving and alter vehi-
cle design) that they may compromise the safety of mo-
torists.
CAFE standards are currently 27.5 miles per gallon
(mpg) for cars and 20.7 mpg for light trucks. The stan-
dard for cars has not changed since 1990, and the truck
standard has been fixed since 1996 but is scheduled to in-
crease to 22.2 mpg by 2007. The average fuel economy of
each manufacturer's fleets of cars and light trucks must
meet those standards, or the firm will be subject to a fine.
All major automakers currently meet or exceed the stan-
dards.
This issue brief focuses on the economic costs of CAFE
standards and compares them with the costs of a gasoline
tax that would reduce gasoline consumption by the same
amount. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) esti-
mates that a 10 percent reduction in gasoline consump-
tion could be achieved at a lower cost by an increase in
the gasoline tax than by an increase in CAFE standards.
Furthermore, an increase in the gasoline tax would reduce
driving, leading to less traffic congestion and fewer acci-
dents. This analysis stops short of estimating the value of
less congestion and fewer accidents and, therefore, does
not draw any conclusions about whether an increase in
the gasoline tax would be warranted. However, CBO
does find that, given current estimates of the value of de-
creasing dependence on oil and reducing carbon emis-
sions, increasing CAFE standards would not pass a
benefit-cost test.

What Would It Cost to Raise CAFE
Standards?
Raising CAFE standards would impose costs on both the
producers and buyers of passenger vehicles. To comply,
producers would need to incorporate technologies to
boost the fuel economy of their vehicles, which would in-
crease their cost of production. Consumers would face
higher prices for new cars and trucks.1 But consumers
would also see lower operating costs for new vehicles be-
cause they would use less gasoline, offsetting some of the
sting of the higher purchase prices.
CBO estimates that raising CAFE standards by 3.8 mpg
(to 31.3 mpg for cars and 24.5 mpg for trucks)-enough
to reduce the amount of gasoline consumed by new vehi-
cles by 10 percent-would cost the U.S. economy a total
of $3.6 billion per year.2
That figure translates to about $230 per new vehicle.
Consumers would most likely bear about two-thirds of
the costs. Although the average price of a new passenger
vehicle would go up by nearly $900, fuel savings would
lower the additional costs to consumers to roughly $150
per vehicle, on average. Automakers' lost profits would
constitute the remaining $80. Although a 3.8 mpg in-
crease in CAFE standards would reduce gasoline use by
new vehicles by 10 percent, it would take 15 years for to-
tal gasoline consumption (by both new and older cars
and light trucks) to fall by 10 percent-only after all ve-
hicles currently on the road were retired.
1. Alternatively, producers could comply by raising the prices of their
gas-guzzling vehicles and lowering the prices of their most fuel-
efficient cars to encourage consumers to buy more of the latter, in
which case consumers would still see higher vehicle prices on aver-
age. Or producers could offer new vehicles that provided better
fuel economy in place of other attributes that consumers might
prefer, such as additional horsepower or more interior space, in
which case prices might not increase.
2. That figure incorporates the value of gasoline savings; it also
reflects the reduced profits, and reduced value, that producers and
consumers would receive as a result of lower sales of new vehicles.

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