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5 Regulation 15 (1981)
Mining the Seas for a Brave New World

handle is hein.journals/rcatorbg5 and id is 317 raw text is: Walter Berns

Mining the Seas for a
Brave New World

UNDER ESTABLISHED international law, we
are entitled to mine the seas even as we
might fish them. Elliot Richardson him-
self, who was President Carter's special repre-
sentative for the UN Law of the Sea Conference
until October 1, 1980, acknowledges that deep
seabed resources may be recovered by any state
or its nationals in an exercise of a traditional
high-seas freedom. Thus, as matters now
stand, without the Law of the Sea Treaty, na-
tions can license their own nationals to mine
the deep seabed and can reciprocally agree to
respect the licenses granted by other nations.
Nevertheless, last year the United States came
to the very brink of approving the treaty and
agreeing to relinquish this right to the interna-
tional entity the treaty would create.
That poses an obvious question. Why
should the United States, possessed of both the
legal right to mine the seas and the technologi-
cal and financial capabilities needed to do so,
cede that right to an authority that will be gov-
erned by others? What is striking is how Rich-
ardson answers this question. He explains that
other countries, and especially the so-called de-
veloping or third-world countries, are not hap-
py with the current international law on this
subject, and that we must therefore acquiesce
in their demand that it be superseded by the
new treaty. After all, in this one world, they
outnumber us.
What is also striking to me is that such
one-world sentiment continues to exist among
us. At a meeting earlier this year, attended by
representatives of various organizations that
make it their business to follow United Nations
affairs, I found-much to my surprise-people
who continue to promote the cause of world
Walter Berns is a resident scholar at the American
Enterprise Institute.

government. I was surprised not so much by
their presence as by the fact of their continued
existence. For some reason-with hindsight I
now see that it was merely because I had my-
self long since ceased to pay any attention to
the issue-I had assumed that the world gov-
ernment enthusiasts had become discouraged
by their evident lack of success and had turned
to other good causes (such as saving Planet
Earth or Newfoundland's baby seals).
I had done my best to discourage them.
Back in the 1950s, I had argued that, whatever
its constitution or nominal form and regardless
of its organizing principle (fear of atomic an-
nihilation or some statement of the brother-
hood of man), any world government would al-
most certainly be a worldwide tyranny. I said
it was folly to assume, as the proponents did,
that a world government would be a liberal
democracy, a judgment supported by the fact
that even then there were relatively few liberal
democracies in the world. Free government, I
wrote, is difficult to establish even under the
most propitious circumstances, and without
mutual trust, literate populations and, to cite
one other condition, a tradition of obedience to
the rule of law, it would be impossible to main-
... world government would almost
certainly be a worldwide tyranny.
tain. This was the argument and I thought it
persuasive. But, as an antecedent of subsequent
events, it was probably not so persuasive as
one episode in the life of what was then the
largest of the world-government organizations,
the United World Federalists.
According to the published account in the

REGULATION, NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 1981 15

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