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13 Bull. Austl. Soc. Leg. Phil. 253 (1989)
Coups D'Etat and Law

handle is hein.journals/ajlph13 and id is 261 raw text is: COUPS D'ETAT AND LAW
Charles Sampford*
1 INTRODUCTION
This year it is natural for discussion of revolution and legal discontinuity to
turn  to  the   French   Revolution   of 200    years   ago.    Recent events in      the
Philippines, Burma and China reinforce the importance of popular revolutions
that are inspired by hopes of fundamental social change. The French Revolution
is not only the archetype and the inspiration of all modern revolutions: it can be
seen as one of the key chapters of modernity itself.          However, it was not the
only form of violent legal discontinuity which achieved it first modem expression
in  late  eighteenth  century   France.    Napoleon    Bonaparte's overthrow      of the
Directory1 was the first of a long line of modern usurpations by the use of
military force.2
There are several reasons we should be interested in the phenomenon.
On a theoretical level, it has the potential to tell us much about law           and the
BA Hons (Melb), LLB Hons (Melb), D Phil (Oxford), Research Fellow, Monash Law
Faculty and Senior Lecturer, Law School, Melbourne University,
President, Victorian Society of Legal Philosophy (the Victorian Chapter of the Australian
Society of Legal Philosophy.
This article is developed from a much shorter paper presented to the World Congress in
Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy, Edinburgh, August 1989 which will be published
in a volume of essays to be edited by Elspeth Attwooll and published by Aberdeen
University Press in 1990. The arguments will in turn be expanded into a book which will
detail the varieties, causes and complexities of coups d'etat and the strategies that may be
adopted to deter and defeat them.
1      Nov 9, 1799 (18e Brumaire)
2      Of course, usurpations were common in monarchies. There are several features that
differentiate them from modem coups. First, the asurpers are not confined to someone
with a claim to the throne and some blood link to legitimate incumbents or heirs. It could
be argued that the greater number of possible coup makers and the greater legitimacy of
violent change conferred by the initial revolution make coups more likely. Secondly, as the
purpose was to replace the incumbent, a relatively simple murder was sufficient. In modern
coups it is usually a group or institution that is being replaced and a group that replaces it.
Third, as the state is a more complex institution than in monarchical and feudal Europe,
less force had to be applied to effect a change. The more complex modern state requires
more force to move it but the modem state provides the very institution with which this
can be achieved - the Army.

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