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37 Criminology 735 (1999)
Collective Action in Prisons: Protests, Disturbances, and Riots

handle is hein.journals/crim37 and id is 751 raw text is: COLLECTIVE ACTION IN PRISONS: PROTESTS, DISTURBANCES, AND RIOTS* BERT USEEM The University of New Mexico MICHAEL D. REISIG Michigan State University This study assesses competing explanations of inmate collective action using data from a nationwide sample of 317 adult maximum- and medium-security state prisons. Most previous studies have relied on data from only those prisons that have experienced riots. Hence, the conditions thought to cause collective outbursts may be equally present in prisons that did not experience such action. The current design allows for a comparison of riot and nonriot prisons. Additionally, this study examines the forces that generate other forms of collective action in prison, such as minor disturbances and inmate work stoppages. The results show that the variables under the administrative-control theory heading, but not the inmate-balance theory heading, help account for these events. Some consideration is given to the possibility that these two theories are complementary explanations. Although substantial literature exists on collective disorders in pris- ons-riots, disturbances, and protest-researchers disagree about the causes of these events. Two theories dominate and offer seemingly contra- dictory predictions. Inmate-balance theory postulates that collective disor- ders occur when prison officials go too far in asserting their authority. By cracking down on inmate freedoms and taking away inmate perquisites, prison officials upset the delicate balance of shared authority. This action, in turn, unleashes collective disorder. In contrast, administrative-control theory posits that collective violence is a product of unstable, divided, or otherwise weak management. When prison officials lose control over their facilities, collective disorders become more likely. In addition, some researchers have identified specific factors, such as crowding and inmate organizations, as contributing to inmate collective action. We describe these positions further below. For now, we note that the existing efforts to test these competing explanations are inadequate for two reasons. First, most previous studies have relied on data collected from one or just several prisons that have experienced serious disorders. * The authors thank Merry Morash and several reviewers for their helpful comments. CRIMINOLOGY VOLUME 37 NUMBER 4 1999

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